Bardylis

Episode I: Background

Bardylis was king of the Illyrians during 393-358 B.C.E. He was born around 448 B.C.E. as a member of the Illyrian tribe of the Enchelei. The Enchelei inhabited primarily the area around lake Lychnidus (Ohrid). Although from a humble origin, Bardylis would soon become the ruler of many Illyrian tribes and form one of the strongest states in the region. It can be assumed that he was the founder of the first multi tribal Illyrian kingdom in contrast with the previous Illyrian states that had been limited only around one specific Illyrian tribe. The rise of Bardylis I on the Illyrian throne in 395 seems to reflect important social changes that the Illyrian society was experiencing. These changes included the move towards a slave-owning society and towards a militarized state. The adoption of the hoplite weaponry from the Illyrian soldiers contributed to their superiority towards other regional states, including Macedon. Also, under Bardylis, the use of an Illyrian cavalry in marches and battles became frequent. The elite members of the Illyrian society may have formed the cavalry units as the Illyrian king himself led them.

Prior to his rule over the Illyrians, Bardylis is reported to have been a collier. Later, he became the leader of a band of freebooters. As the leader of this band, Bardylis gained the respect of his followers especially because of his exceptional fairness in the division of the spoils. During his raids, Bardylis must have been gained valuable experience in combat tactics and military leadership. The lands of northwestern Macedon may have been among the targets of Bardylis’ band of freebooters. As for the dynamics of his rise into Illyrian throne, there is no evidence describing them. It can only be assumed that Bardylis, being not an heir, must have seized power by force. Accordingly, a previous undesired and/or unpopular ruler (potentially one named Sirras) must have been overthrown. It has been suggested that the movement that resulted in the rise of Bardylis into Illyrian throne occurred as a reaction of the general population towards an undesired treaty with Macedon.

Episode II: The realm of Bardylis

The borders of the kingdom ruled by Bardylis are not clear. It now seems that the lands controlled by the Illyrian ruler may have been greater that it had been traditionally perceived. Pajakowksi based on the large number of troops that Bardylis was able to deploy later against Philip II and on a fragment preserved by Kalisthenes, claims that Bardylis ruled over a vast territory. Notably, in its zenith, his kingdom stretched from the Gulf of Rhizones (Kotor) in the northwest to the lands of the Bylliones in the south, including the important colonies of Dyrrachium and Apollonia in his domains. In the southeast, it clearly controlled the lands around Lake Lychnidus and Dassaretis whereas in the east it bordered with the lands of the Paeonians and the Dardanians.

The claim of Pajakowksi does not seem far from the truth. The recent discovery of two Illyrian royal palaces (one built before 260 B.C.E.) in what was then Rhizones (Risan in current Montenegro) confirms the presence of Illyrian royal authority in these parts. On the other hand, other modern scholars have supported the southern border proposed by Pajakowski. This borderline can be naturally placed in the lower and middle stream of the Aoos (Vjosa) River and then into southern Dassaretis. As for the colonies of Dyrrachium and Apollonia, it cannot be stated for certain that they were put under the direct authority of Bardylis. However, the lack of literal sources regarding these colonies pertaining to the ruling period of Bardylis indicates at least the establishment of productive and peaceful relationships between these Hellenic colonies and the Illyrian kingdom.

During his rule, Bardylis was able to take into control the important Dardanian city of Damastion and its silver mines. The control over Damastion must have improved the financial prosperity of the Illyrian state and may have encouraged the Illyrian commerce with other populations and tribes of the north. Furthermore, under the example of Damastion, Bardylis founded in 365 another center for coin emission in Daparri of current Kosova.

The control over Damastion has led some modern scholars to view Bardylis exclusively as “king of the Dardanians”. This view should be regarded as an outdated one. Treating Bardylis as king of the Dardanians would imply that he ruled only over one particular Illyrian tribe (in these case over the Dardanians). This does not seem to have been the case. Although Dardania may have fallen under the control of Bardylis, his kingdom included other Illyrian tribes such as the Encheleii, the Dassaretae, the Taulantii/Parthini, and so on. Thus, a “king of the Illyrians” labeling is more plausible.

Episode III: Battling Macedon

Upon establishing himself on the Illyrian throne, Bardylis turned his attention towards Lyncestis, a region located just east of lake Lychnidus. The lands of this region had traditionally been an area of conflict between the Macedonians and the Illyrians. Both these entities aimed at ensuring their control over Lyncestis or at establishing their influence there. Furthermore, even in a broader geographical perspective, the Illyrian tribes and the Macedonians maintained a continuous hostile behavior towards each other. Bardylis was certainly aware of the power dynamics of the region and the general strength of Macedon. The political crisis that had spread across Macedon after the assassination of the Macedonian king Archelaus I in 399 B.C.E. provided a striking opportunity for the Illyrians. Having apparently noticed the instability of the Macedonian state, Bardylis took the initiative in 393 B.C.E. In this year, the Illyrians stormed Macedon, apparently passing through the lands of Lyncestis and having faced no significant resistance during their march. During this incursion, the Illyrians took control of the whole Upper Macedon and drove out of his kingdom the then king of Macedon, Amyntas II. The Illyrians established Argaeus, presumably a member of the royal house of the Lyncestae, on the throne of Macedon in the place of the exiled Amyntas. The establishment of Argaeus from Lyncestis on the Macedonian throne indicates a prior agreement between the Illyrians of Bardylis and the inhabitants of Lyncestis. This agreement seems to have included the safe passage of the troops of Bardylis through Lyncestis and additional military support.

It has been stated that Argaeus ruled over Macedon for two years (393-391). During this time, he must have acted as a puppet king in favor of Illyrian interests. Meanwhile, Amyntas had found refugee in Thessaly where he apparently still enjoyed support. With the help of troops from Thessaly, Amyntas managed to reenter Macedon and reclaim its throne. A state of tension must have followed Amyntas comeback since the later was able to reestablish himself over the throne only after having made a peace treaty with the Illyrians of Bardylis. Accordingly, Amyntas committed into paying yearly tributes to the Illyrians. Furthermore, the Macedonian king delivered his youngest son, Philip, as a hostage and peace guarantor at the hands of the Illyrians. The later left the young prince (who would later become the famous Philip II of Macedon) in Thebes, at the custody of the Thebans.

Diodorus provides an account referring to another major incursion of the Illyrians against Macedon sometime during 383-382 B.C.E. Some have argued that this account represents merely a repetition of the campaign carried out a decade ago. However, it can well be that the account of Diodorus constitutes an authentic source referring to a second expedition of the Illyrians against Macedon. In such as case, this Illyrian invasion forced the Macedonian king Amyntas II to leave the country for a second time. The occurrence of this expedition may have been the result of several reasons. One of them may relate to potential efforts made by Amyntas to escape from the yearly tributes owed to Bardylis. The later, being clearly superior in military capacities, would have assaulted accordingly to reestablish the favorable terms of the peace treaty.

Around 370 the Illyrians of Bardylis conquered Upper Macedon once more. The newly crowned king of Macedon, Alexander II was forced to make a large payments to the Illyrians in order to preserve his authority. Also, this was the only way for Alexander to establish e peace with Bardylis and his superior forces. However, the peace established would not continued long as in 368, Alexander II was killed by Ptolemy Aloros who in turn was killed by Perdikkas III. According to the diplomatic standards of that time, a peace between two states (two kings) was in power as long as both of their kings were alive. This would explain the campaigns of Bardylis against Macedon each time a new king had come into power (393, 370, and 368 B.C.E.).

Perdikkas, unwilling to accept the tributes imposed on Macedon by Bardylis, relied on military solution to curb down the Illyrian influence. Eventually, a major battle took place between the two sides where the Illyrians of Bardylis came up victorious. Diodorus reports this event as follows:

[Perdikkas] was defeated in a great battle by the Illyrians and fell in the action…the Macedonians…lost more than four thousand men in the battle, and the remainder…had become exceedingly afraid of the Illyrian armies and had lost courage for continuing the war” (Diodorus, XVI, 2)

A statue of the Illyrian king Bardylis (r.393-358) made by Benard Lekgegaj.

A modern statue of the Illyrian king Bardylis (r.393-358) made by Benard Lekgegaj.

Episode IV: The Alliance with Syracuse and the Campaigns in Epirus

In between the two Illyrian campaigns against Macedon, an important development is noticed regarding the relations of Bardylis with western polities. Notably, in 385 Bardylis established an alliance with the tyrant of Syracuse, Dionysius I the Elder (r. 405-367). This alliance was mediated by the exiled Molossian prince of Epirus, Alcetas I. The later had found refugee in Syracuse after being forced out of his country by a pro-Spartan party in Epirus. As such, a term of the alliance between Bardylis I and Dionysius I included the establishment of Alcetas on the throne of Epirus. From restoring the Molossian prince in the royal court of Epirus, Bardylis would keep out the Spartan and Macedonian influence in the region. On the other hand, Dionysius of Syracuse would strengthen his commercial position on both sides of the Adriatic and Ionian Sea.

Accordingly, Dionysius sent about 2,000 of his own troops into Illyria as well as 500 units of military equipment. Alcetas crossed the sea as well to reclaim his throne. Dionysius himself did not join the expedition. An injury the tyrant had received while fighting against the Rhegines a year ago prevented him from engaging personally. Thus, the troops from Syracuse were put under direct command of Bardylis. Furthermore, Diodorus states that the troops from Syracuse were ordered by the Illyrian king to intermingle with his Illyrian troops.

The cooperation between Bardylis and Dionysius included the establishment of a Syracusan base along the Illyrian coast. Thus, a corpus of engineers and constructors from Syracuse must have crossed the sea and arrived into Lissus, the place chosen for such a base. They erected important fortifying structures around the settlement. However, soon the project of a Syracusan base in Lissus was abandoned in the upcoming years. Thus, it continued to be used by the Illyrians as their own base and urban settlement.

Having integrated the Sicilian contingent into his own army, Bardylis advanced into Epirus. It is reported that the Illyrian incursion was so aggressive that 15,000 Molossians (apparently part of the pro-Spartan party) were killed in combat. Alcetas was restored in the throne of Epirus while other regions along the southern border of the Illyrian kingdom were liberated. The campaign was clearly successful and it may have advanced more that it was initially planned. Ultimately, the Illyrians had to retreat after the Spartans arrived to prevent any further Illyrian advance. A direct clash between the Illyrian and the Spartans may have been undesired at this point, as Dionysius had established an important alliance with Sparta. However, the campaign of 385 had already ensured the Illyrian influence over northern Epirus.

The Illyrians would conduct another campaign against central Epirus in 360. This time the ruler of Epirus had to rely on a planned ambush to cope with the enemy. Frontinus describes the events that ensued:

When Harrybas, king of the Molossians, was attacked in war by Bardylis, the Illyrian, who commanded a considerably larger army, he dispatched the non-combatant portion of his subjects to the neighbouring district of Aetolia, and spread the report that he was yielding up his towns and possessions to the Aetolians. He himself, with those who could bear arms, placed ambuscades here and there on the mountains and in other inaccessible places. The Illyrians, fearful lest the possessions of the Molossians should be seized by the Aetolians, began to race along in disorder, in their eagerness for plunder. As soon as they became scattered, Harrybas, emerging from his concealment and taking them unawares, routed them and put them to flight.” (Frontinus, Stratagems)

Although forced into retreat, northern Epirus continued to remain under the influence of Bardylis. The superiority of Illyrian arms implied by Frontinus would not have allowed the king of Epirus to pursue the enemy and attempt to regain the lands lost to Illyrians 25 years ago. Epirus would have to wait for the reign of Pyrrhus to revive its strength.

 

Bibliography

Frontinus. The Strategemata.

Velija, Q. (2012). Mbretëri dhe Mbretër Ilirë. West Print, Tiranë.

Glaucias, the Illyrian

Episode I: King of the Taulantii/King of the Illyrians

Glaucias was, according to Arrian, king of the Taulantti, an Illyrian tribe that occupied the current region of Central Albania. On the other hand, Plutarch and Diodorus describe him as the king of the Illyrians. However, there should be no confusion between the terms “king of the Taulantii” and “king of the Illyrians”. These are just alternative and complementary ways of illustrating the same picture. It should be noted that when Glaucias is referred here as king of the Illyrians, Illyria, or Illyrian kingdom, it is done for purpose of simplicity and it only suggests that he reigned over a territory that was inhabited by Illyrian tribes including the Taulantii. It does not suggest that Glaucias ruled over all the Illyrian tribes across the Balkans. Glaucias seems to have been the son of Pleuratus I and thus, around 335, succeeded him on the throne of the Taulantii. Regarding the center of his kingdom, it was located somewhere around Tirana (in the ancient ruins of Perqop), controlling the plain of that region.

Map showing the areas and cities mentioned in the text and the realm of Glaucias in its initial form and in its greatest expansion during 335-302 B.C.E.
Map showing the ancient areas (Illyria, Epirus, Macedon, Paeonia, Agrianes, Dardania) and cities mentioned in the text and the realm of Glaucias in its initial form and in its greatest expansion during 335-302 B.C.E.

Episode II: Battle against Alexander the Great

Glaucias appears for the first time as a political and military figure in the events related to the campaign of Alexander the Great against the Illyrians in the summer of 335. At that time, Alexander was conducting a campaign in northwestern area of his inherited kingdom, when he was notified that Cleitus, son of Bardylis, had rebelled against the Macedonian rule and that Glaucias was assisting him. Another Illyrian tribe, the Autariatae, who were apparently allied with Cleitus and Glaucus, had planned to assault Alexander on his march. Alexander, anticipating the interception of the Autariatae, engaged the king of the Agrianes, Langarus, to crush them in their own lands. Langarus did so energetically thus opening the way for Alexander to lead his forces against Cleitus and Glaucus. The Macedonians marched safely through the valley of the Erigon (Crna) River to arrive near the city of Pelion that was captured by the Illyrian forces of Cleitus and that dominated the area of Dassaretis. Meanwhile, the Illyrian forces of Glaucus were on their way to join Cleitus at Pelion. Hammond rightly states that Illyrian region was already familiar to Alexander:

As a royal Page, he had accompanied Philip on Illyrian campaigns, and then in 337 he had escorted Olympia to Epirus and gone from there to Illyria, where he stayed with one or more kings, perhaps indeed with Glaucias”.

The Illyrian forces were divided into two main parts. One was positioned within Pelion while others had occupied the highest peaks around the area and above the main passes. Upon arriving near Pelion, Alexander set his camp outside the city with the aim of recapturing it by keeping the Illyrian forces divided as they were. The arrival of Glaucias and his large number of troops in the area forced Alexander in a defensive position and changed his aim of recapturing the city. The first move of the Macedonian ruler was to sent Philotas, one of his commanders, with a cavalry unit, on a nearby expedition to secure food for the army. It is Arrian that gives us the description of the following events:

When Glaucias heard of the expedition of Philotas he marched out to meet him, and seized the mountains, which surrounded the plain, from which Philotas intended to procure forage. As soon as Alexander was informed that his cavalry and beasts of burden would be in danger if night overtook them, taking the shield-bearing troops, the archers, the Agrianians, and about four hundred cavalry, he went with all speed to their aid. The rest of the army he left behind near the city, to prevent the citizens from hastening forth to form a junction with Glaucias (as they would have done), if all the Macedonian army had withdrawn. Directly Glaucias perceived that Alexander was advancing, he evacuated the mountains, and Philotas and his forces returned to the camp in safety. But Cleitus and Glaucias still imagined that they had caught Alexander in a disadvantageous position; for they were occupying the mountains, which commanded the plain by their height, with a large body of cavalry, javelin-throwers, and slingers, besides a considerable number of heavy-armed infantry. Moreover, the men who had been beleaguered in the city were expected to pursue the Macedonians closely if they made a retreat. The ground also through which Alexander had to march was evidently narrow and covered with wood on one side it was hemmed in by a river, and on the other there was a very lofty and craggy mountain so that there would not be room for the army to pass, even if only four shield-bearers marched abreast.

Then Alexander drew up his army in such a way that the depth of the phalanx was 120 men; and stationing 200 cavalry on each wing, he ordered them to preserve silence, in order to receive the word of command quickly. Accordingly he gave the signal to the heavy-armed infantry in the first place to hold their spears erect, and then to couch them at the concerted sign; at one time to incline their spears to the right, closely locked together, and at another time towards the left. He then set the phalanx itself into quick motion forward, and marched it towards the wings, now to the right, and then to the left. After thus arranging and re-arranging his army many times very rapidly, he at last formed his phalanx into a sort of wedge, and led it towards the left against the enemy, who had long been in a state of amazement at seeing both the order and the rapidity of his evolutions. Consequently they did not sustain Alexander’s attack, but quitted the first ridges of the mountain. Upon this, Alexander ordered the Macedonians to raise the battle cry and make a clatter with their spears upon their shields; and the Taulantii, being still more alarmed at the noise, led their army back to the city with all speed.

As Alexander saw only a few of the enemy still occupying a ridge, along which lay his route, he ordered his body-guards and personal companions to take their shields, mount their horses, and ride to the hill; and when they reached it, if those who had occupied the position awaited them, he said that half of them were to leap from their horses, and to fight as foot- soldiers, being mingled with the cavalry. But when the enemy ‘saw Alexander’s advance, they quitted the hill and retreated to the mountains in both directions. Then Alexander, with his companions, seized the hill, and sent for the Agrianians and archers, who numbered 2,000. He also ordered the shield-bearing guards to cross the river, and after them the regiments of Macedonian infantry, with instructions that, as soon as they had succeeded in crossing, they should draw out in rank towards the left, so that the phalanx of men crossing might appear compact at once. He himself, in the vanguard, was all the time observing from the ridge the enemy’s advance. They, seeing the force crossing the river, marched down the mountains to meet them, with the purpose of attacking Alexander’s rear in its retreat. But, as they were just drawing near, Alexander rushed forth with his own division, and the phalanx raised the battle cry, as if about to advance through the river. When the enemy saw all the Macedonians marching against them, they turned and fled. Upon this, Alexander led the Agrianians and archers at full speed towards the river, and succeeded in being himself the first man to cross it. But when he [Alexander] saw the enemy pressing upon the men in the rear, he stationed his engines of war upon the bank, and ordered the engineers to shoot from them as far forward as possilile all sorts of projectiles which are usually shot from military engines. He directed the archers, who had also entered the water, to shoot their arrows from the middle of the river. But Glaucias durst not advance within range of the missiles so that the Macedonians passed over in such safety, that not one of them lost his life in the retreat.

The Illyrians had no reason to engage in close combat with the Macedonian force that was leaving the site in such an organized manner. Glaucus and Cleitus thought the initial Macedonian departure as a victory since they have managed to keep the city of Pelion into their possession. This initial impression caused the Illyrians to encamp carelessly near the city without expecting Alexander’s return. On noticing this weakness, Alexander returned on the site three days later and caught the Illyrian forces by surprise killing many of them and capturing many others. Cleitus himself managed to escape the slaughter and burned his city. Glaucias had also left the area with the surviving forces and returned to his kingdom through the surrounding mountains. After burning the city of Pelion, Cleitus went into the territory of the Taulantii and found refugee in Glaucus’ dominion.

The defeat that Glaucias suffered at Pelion did not challenged his authority over his central possessions, which were located further west from the battlefield. On the other hand, Alexander had no intention to pursue the army of Glaucias deep in the Illyrian hinterland and risk suffering further losses in a rough and unsuitable terrain for the military formations of the Macedonians. The victory of Macedon at Pelion served mainly to secure the kingdom’s northwestern border on the verge of the main expedition against Persia.

Despite the description of classical sources, the campaign against the Illyrians proved difficult for Alexander, so much so that a news that he was killed during battle spread out in Thebes and other places under Alexander’s control. This was another important reason why, soon after the victory over Glaucias and Cleitus, Alexander had to return into Thebes where his presence was required in order to reaffirm his authority and prepare for his major campaign against Persia. As e result, Glaucias continued his reign for another generation over the Illyrians, including into his possessions the lands of other surrounding Illyrian tribes.

Little is known about the activity of Glaucias during 334-317. Some scholars suggest that Glaucias, in addition to the lands of the Taulantii he already controlled, gradually took over the region that was once ruled by Cleitus, apparently capitalizing on the fact that Alexander was engaged far away in war against the Persians.

Episode III: Becoming the adoptive father of Pyrrhus of Epirus

In 317, Cassander, the ruler of Macedon, interfered in the internal affairs of Epirus, encouraging a civil unrest there, in a continuous effort to expand his authority over this region that was after all the homeland of Olympia, mother of Alexander the Great and thus Cassander’s ultimate enemy. As a result of the civil unrest and the Macedonian pressure, Aeacides, up until then the ruler of Epirus and supporter of Olympia, was forced to resign from the throne and leave his state. Aeacides’ two-year old son and the rightful heir of Epirus, Pyrrhus II, was saved from Cassander’s persecution and brought for protection in the court of king Glaucias. It was the same child that would later be known as Pyrrhus of Epirus or Pyrrhus the Great, one of the most skilled generals of his time who challenged the forces of the Roman Republic in the southern Italian peninsula. By the time Pyrrhus was brought in the Illyrian court, Glaucias had already established a friendly relationship with the monarchy of Epirus. Thus, the Illyrian king had married Beroea, a Molossian princess, who, as Pyrrhus, was a member of the Aeacide family. Plutarch describes romantically the encounter of Glaucias with the infant Pyrrhus:

Having thus outstripped their pursuers and reached a place of safety, the fugitives [supporters of Molossian monarchy] betook themselves to Glaucias the king of the Illyrians; and finding him sitting at home with his wife, they put the little child [Pyrrhus] down on the floor before them. Then the king began to reflect. He was in fear of Cassander, who was an enemy of Aeacides [Pyrrhus father], and held his peace a long time as he took counsel with himself. Meanwhile Pyrrhus, of his own accord, crept across the floor, clutched the king’s robe, and pulled himself on to his feet at the knees of Glaucias, who was moved at first to laughter, then to pity, as he saw the child clinging to his knees and weeping like a formal suppliant. Some say, however, that the child did not supplicate Glaucias, but caught hold of an altar of the gods and stood there with his arms thrown round it, and that Glaucias thought this a sign from Heaven. Therefore he at once put Pyrrhus in the arms of his wife, bidding her rear him along with their children; and a little while after, when the child’s enemies demanded his surrender, and Cassander offered two hundred talents [about 20,000 silver coins] for him, Glaucias would not give him up…

Nicolas René Jollain, le Jeune. Infant Pyrrhus brought before Glaucus (Original: Le jeune Pyrrhus présenté à Glaucias).Musée du Louvre.
Nicolas René Jollain, le Jeune. Infant Pyrrhus brought before Glaucus (Original: Le jeune Pyrrhus présenté à Glaucias).Museum of Louvre (Musée du Louvre).

Despite the intimate description of Plutarch, Glaucias had strategical reasons to keep the infant Pyrrhus under his protection. Epirus was of geostrategic importance in order for his kingdom to be secured from the south. The way to secure this influence over Epirus was to raise Pyrrhus safely in Illyria and to establish him on the throne of Epirus at a proper age. The establishment of Pyrrhus on the throne of Epirus would reactivate the marital relations Glaucias already had established with the family of Pyrrhus. Thus, from now on, Pyrrhus would be his adoptive son.

The sitting of Pyrrhus on the throne of Epirus was realized in 309 when Glaucias, carrying Pyrrhus with him, entered into that region with a large Illyrian force. The Illyrians crushed any opposition from the pro-Macedonian group centered on king Alketas and Pyrrhus was declared the legitimate king of Epirus. After leaving appropriate guardians to assist Pyrrhus, then 12 years of age, in governance, Glaucias returned into his kingdom victorious.

The relations between Glaucus and Pyrrhus remained friendly in the coming years. In 302, Pyrrhus, would return into Illyria to attend the marriage of a son of Glaucus, with whom Pyrrhus was reared and whom Pyrrhus considered to be his brother. This event serves also to suggest that in 302 Glaucias was still alive and still ruling over his Illyrian kingdom.

Episode IV: Struggle for coastal control

Before being able to put Pyrrhus on the throne of Epirus, Glaucias had to endure the military retaliation the Macedonian king. In 314, the Macedonians led by Cassander himself, sailed from Epirus and assaulted the Illyrian coast. They conquered the main cities of Apollonia and Dyrrachium and then entered the Illyrian hinterland. During this campaign, Glaucias and his Illyrian troops were defeated, thus forcing the Illyrian king to temporarily retreat from the coastal areas. Macedonian garrisons were put in both Dyrrachium and Apollonia in order to keep their citizens under Macedonian rule and keep away potential Illyrian assaults. The Macedonian pressure forced Glaucias to sign a treaty of neutrality where he promised not to intervene in Epirus and its affairs. Although in difficult position after this Macedonian invasion, Glaucias did not surrender Pyrrhus to Cassander and continued to keep him under his protection until eventually sat him on the throne of Epirus. For now, the Illyrian king aimed at regaining possession of the coastal area and forcing the Macedonians retreat from there.

Glaucias quicly reorganized his troops and in 313 sieged the city of Apollonia. It was during this time that Acrotatus from Sparta who, up until now, had almost nothing to do with this conflict, conducted a forced naval landing in the area around the sieged city, forced here by a sea storm while on his way towards Acragas (modern Agrigento). Inside the city of Apollonia, the Macedonian garrison positioned there by Cassander, was leading the stance against the Illyrian king, thus attempting at the same time to ensure the Macedonian authority over an otherwise free colony. Acrotatus came into close contact with king Glaucias with whom he entered into peace negotiations on behalf of the citizens of Apollonia who were apparently influenced by a pro-Macedonian party. These negotiations were concluded with the Illyrian king signing e peace treaty with the city of Apollonia and releasing it from the siege. The terms of this treaty are unknown, but it can be assumed that they favored the position of Glaucias and threatened the authority of the Macedonians. Thus, a political tension between a pro-Macedonian party and an opposition may have been triggered in the city of Apollonia.

The Macedonian rule was undesired by the Hellenic colonies along the Adriatic and the Ionian Sea. Thus, in 312 the citizens in both Dyrrachium and Apollonia revolted against the Macedonian rule and expelled the Macedonians from their cities. In their liberation the state of Corcyra provided the main military assistance but it seems that Illyrians offered their support as well. After their liberation, Corcyra awarded Glaucias with the control of Dyrrachium. The following attempt of Cassander to regain these possession and especially Apollonia was useless. The forces of Apollonia along with possible Illyrian reinforces defeated the forces of Macedon in front of the city walls. The whole coastal Illyria had now been freed from the Macedonian forces.

 

Bibliography

Arriani. Alexandri Anabasis.

Diodori. Bibliotheca Historica.

Hammond, N.G.L. (1966). The Kingdoms in Illyria circa 400-167 B.C. The Annual British School at Athens, 61, 240-253.

Hammond, N.G.L. & Wallbank, W. (1972). A History of Macedonia 336-167 B.C. pp.39-47.

Plutarchi. Vitae Parallelae. Pyrrhus.

Velija, Q. (2012) Mbretëri dhe Mbretër Ilirë. West Print, Tiranë.