One of the most discussed issues regarding the Illyrians of classical antiquity has to do with the presence of a major city with rich silver mines in the Balkan hinterland. This city minted its own silver coins and was controlled for a long time by the major Illyrian tribe of the Dardanians. It even turned into the capital of Dardania for some time. This city was called Damastion and its location, being of cultural and economic importance, remains unknown to this day.
For the first time Damastion is mentioned by the ancient historian and geographer Strabo who states that the silver mines of the city were located near the lands of the Illyrian tribes of the Taulantii, Parthini, Brygi and Bylliones. Thus, the geographical location of these tribes may help in pinpointing the potential area where Damastion stood. In addition, the Taulantii inhabited the area around Dyrrachium/Epidamnos (Durrës) in current central Albania. The Parthini, who may have represented a tribal branch of the Taulantii, were located north of the later, in the hinterland between Dyrrachium and Lissus (Lezhë). The Brygi, who seem to have been a small tribe, may have been located horizontally somewhere in the lands between Dyrrachium and Lychnidos (Ohrid). The Bylliones were the Illyrians who inhabited the city of Byllis (Hekal,Albania) and its surrounding region. They, as the Parthini, were part for a long time of the Illyrian kingdom of the Taulantii. Thus, if we refer to the description of Strabo, then the silver mines of Damastion and the city itself were located near the lands of the tribes mentioned above.
Strabo adds that the tribes of the Dyestae and the Enchelii (Encheleae) ruled over Damastion. Here he may be referring to a possible rule of king Bardylis of the Encheleae (an Illyrian tribe) over Damastion. A possible rule of Damastion by Bardylis may have helped substantially the financial prosperity of his kingdom. The other mentioned tribes of the Dyestae may have been of Thracian origin. In such a case, Strabo may have implied a common Illyrian-Thracian rule over the city and its silver mines.
Episode II: The proposals on the location of Damastion
Many scholars have given their assumption regarding the possible location of Damastion. Their proposals include Epirus, the hinterlands of Dyrrachium and Apollonia, and even regions as far north as Dalmatia (current Croatia). Various proposals include Dassaretis, the region south of lake Lychnidos (lake Ohrid). However, the issue with this area stands in the fact that the geological structure of its lands makes the presence of the silver mines here impossible. In addition, Strabo mentiones other places in relation to Damastion, notably the Eoerdi, Elimeia, and Eratyra. The first two were part of the region of Lyncestis while the position of Eratyra remains unknown. Thus, it is reasonable that the regions corresponding with the ancient Lyncestis be taken into consideration as possible locations of ancient Damastion.
Among the proposals, Paeonia represents an interesting option. Paeonian kings are well known for having produced various coins with the inscription “Damastion” (“ΔΑΜΑΣΤΙΝΩΝ”) in them. The Paeonian option seems more plausible when we consider the existence of several silver mines in the area between Scupi (Skopje) and Pautalia (Kyustendil). The main problem with this area is that it is located further east from the Illyrian tribal lands mentioned by Strabo.
Alternative proposals include current southern region of Albania; current regions of Mati and Dukagjini in northern Albania, and Pelagonia in FYR Macedonia. Another option proposed by Mirdita states that Damastion might have been located near the current village of Kishnica in Kosova, between modern Janjeva/Janjevo and Prishtina/Pristina. This area is also known as a mining region where antique mines have been reported. Thus it makes Kishnica an option worth considering. Further northwest, another potential location is found. It refers to the rich in minerals area of Kopaonik mountain range (south of modern Serbia). The mountainous region of Kopaonik was known by the Roman references as Municipium Dardanicum and served as a mining center in the Roman imperial period. The only issue with this area, as with Paeonia, is that it is located somewhat far from the suggested lands of Strabo.
Episode III: A brief ancient history of Damastion
Based on another fragment of Strabo, provided by a document stored and recently discovered in the Vatican, Damastion may have been established initially as a Hellenic colony. According to the fragment, the colons came from Aegina and Mandra after Athens forced them out of their lands in 420 B.C.E. If this is the case, then this represents a unique case in the history of Hellenic (Greek) colonization since such colonies were usually established along the coastlines whereas Damastion appears to have been established deep into the hinterland. The city may have taken the name of the leader of the colons, “Damastes” or “Damastos” (from an attested ancient Greek personal name), followed by the ancient Greek particle “on”. In such a case, the Hellenic colons must have had problems retaining the control of the city since it lacked the access on sea routes and hence the crucial communication with other Hellenic trade centers. Thus, even in such case, Damastion soon fell in the hands of the native Dardanians.
It is assumed that Damastion started to emit its first silver coins around 395 B.C.E. After some time it apparently fell under the rule of the powerful Illyrian monarch Bardylis I (r. 393-358). The control over Damastion may have helped Bardylis expand his commerce with other populations of the north and other tribes around his state. Furthermore, under the model of Damastion, Bardylis established in 365 B.C.E. another center for coin emission in Daparri of current Kosova.
The mentioning of a common Illyrian-Thracian rule over Damastion suggests that the city should be searched in an area located in between the Illyrian tribes and the Thracian tribes. As such, Dardania, inhabited by the Illyrian tribe of the Dardanians, in modern Kosova, represents the area that best suits this description. It should be noted that the Dardanians expanded their control way east, all the way into the borderlands of the Thracian tribe of the Triballi. This Dardanian expansion occurred after Alexander the Great defeated the Thracian Triballi. As a result of this situation, the search for Damastion and its silver ores is narrowed down into the area that was once controlled by the Dardanians.
Episode IV: A Treasure Hunt
In order to determine a more precise location of Damastion, we can observe the places where coins emitted from this city have been discovered. However, it is at first useful to make a summary of the types of coins that Damastion emitted. Its coins are divided into three types: the tetradrachmas, the drachmas, and the tetrobols. The coins with the most value, the tetradrachmas, have the figure of Apollo featured on them while the two other types of smaller values, the drachmas and the tetrobols, manifest figures illustrating the activities of the people and the mine. The drachmes also feature a female head while in the tetrobols reapers the figure of Apollo.
There are more than 40 coins of Damastion discovered in various places across the southwest Balkans including countries such as Greece, Albania, Montenegro, Kosova, Serbia, and Croatia. However, it has been noted that most of the smaller denominators of drachmas and tetroboles are found in the area that consists with current region of southern Kosova. This is of special interest when considering that smaller denominations are usually concentrated around the mines from which they have been emitted. Also, the geological structure of this area allows for the presence of an ancient silver mine. Based on the same view, the area around modern Skopje should also be evaluated as a region where in antiquity the Illyrian kingdoms of Dardania and Paeonia bordered. The ancient literature available also tends to put Damastion in the current region of southern Kosova and/or Skopje. These sources mention Damastion as the capital of Dardania while also allowing other interpreters to assume that Paeonia controlled Damastion in certain periods.
One recent proposal suggests that Damastion is located in the current village of Popovë, west of Podujeva/Podujevo, in Kosova. In this locality, the traces of an ancient city with its surrounding walls can be noticed along with the remnants of a castle and traces of melted metals. Towards the castle, that is distanced about 1,500-2,000 meters from the surrounding walls, an ancient road 2.5 meters wide made up of stones is directed. Furthermore, this site is located near the rich mines of Kopaonik Mountain (also known as the “Silver Mountain”). The nearby river of Kaqandoll must have served for washing the metals and the coins. Thus, the ancient city of Damastion may have well been located in this city that fulfills all the criteria presented by ancient writers and modern scholars.
Imhoof-Bumler.(1874). Ztschr.f.Numism. p. 99.
Pollozhani, M.(2015). Qytetet e harruara Ilire, lashtësi e pandriçuar. Retrieved from: www.arbresh.info/kulture/qytetet-e-harruara-ilire-lashtesi-e-pandricuar/.
Morgan, D.U.(2009). The pattern of Findspots of Coins of Damastion: A Clue to Its Location.
The Dardanians are mentioned for the first time in the Egyptian account describing the events of 1274 B.C.E. According to the Egyptian description, the Dardanians participated in the battle of Kadesh as allies of the Hittites and their king Muwatall II (r. 1295-1272) against the Egyptians led by their pharaoh Rameses II (r. 1279-1213). The two sides signed a peace treaty in 1258 B.C.E. but the Dardanians are not reported again among the concerning parties. It is unclear whether the Dardanians mentioned here refer to the Illyrian tribe that centered on Kosova during the antiquity, or refer to another tribe that carried the same name. Other reports linking the Dardanians with the city of Troy can be mentioned but they also deserve a separate study. The focus here is on the Illyrian Dardania located in the southwestern Balkans as descried by classical sources and not on the Dardanians of Asia Minor.
Episode II: Dardania and Dardanians as neighbours of Macedon
European Dardania was formed as a kingdom during the middle of the IV century B.C.E. It occupied the whole area of the current Republic of Kosova and its surrounding regions. Notably, in the north and northwest it bordered with the territories of the Triballi (Thracian tribe) and the Autariatae (Illyrian tribe) respectively; in the southwest it approached the territories of the Taulantii including within its possessions the area of present-day Gostivar and Kukës, with the later being the location of the Illyrian Pirustae. In the east the Dardanian state stretched up until the southern Morava. In the south, it controlled the lands of upper Axios (Vardar) including the region around Scupi (Skopje).
In different periods of time, the Dardanians controlled much of Paeonia on their south, putting them into direct contacts and conflicts with the Macedonians. It is for this geopolitical situation that the Dardanians appear constantly in the reports of ancient writers since 345 B.C.E. At this time, Justin mentions them among the tribes that were forced by Philip II of Macedon (r. 359-336) to recognize the Macedonian rule. However, after some time, as Petrović suggests, “during the wars of the Diadochi, at the time Lysimachus created his empire, from 284 to 281 B.C.E., the Dardanians seem to have evaded Macedonian rule, and very soon they became a constant threat on the northern borders of Macedonia.”
The Dardanians, the population that inhabited Dardania, were an Illyrian tribe who was organized into several villages with few urban centers. The level of urbanization among Dardanians during the Hellenistic period seems to have been lower than in southern Illyria and Epirus. However, a few Dardanian centers such as Damastion are established during the IV century B.C.E. The ancient city of Damastion represents the first Illyrian city that produced its own silver coins. Scupi (Skopje), another important center, seems to have been the capital of Dardania for some time. The Dardanian society was characterized by a high degree of social stratification incorporating social classes such as land aristocrats, craftsmen, prisoners of wars and slaves (dulloi).
During the years 280-279, Dardania had to cope with the invasions of Celtic/Gallic tribes that came from the middle stream of the Danube (where Austria and Hungaria are located today). The Dardanians managed to handle this great invasion and pushed the Celtic tribes towards Macedonia. The report of Justin shows that the Dardanian had by now become one of the strongest regional states since their king offered the Macedonian king Ptolemy Keraunos (r. 321-279) 20,000 Dardanian soldiers to help the later deal with the Celtic/Gallic invasion. The Macedonian king refused the help reminding to the Dardanian delegates the glorious past of Macedon. This would prove to be an unwise decision and soon Ptolemy himself would be killed in battle against the Celts. The later, after having causing many damages across Macedon, were defeated only at Delphi. Turning north, the remaining Celts passed again through the Dardanian lands where they were crushed completely. Diodorus describes this situation as follows:
“…and when passing through the Dardani [Dardanians] land, they were all destroyed so that there was no one left to go back home“.
There seems to be an exaggeration in the account of Diodorus since it is known that a group of these Celts continued their journey north until they settled near the confluence of the Sava and Danube rivers. These seem to be the same people that are later labelled as the Scordisci.
Episode III: Battles against Philip V
After 221 the raids of the Dardanians towards Macedon become frequent. They capitalized on the fact that Philip V (r. 221-179), recently crowned king of Macedon, was young in age and thus inexperienced in political and military affairs. In 219, while the Macedonian king was in Peloponessus, the Dardaninans took control of the whole Paeonia along with its largest city called Bylazora (near Knezhje). Thus, Philip was forced to return from Peloponnesus in haste and reestablish Macedonian control it his northern border. This conflict against the Dardanians represented the first proper military campaign of the Macedonians under the new king. The fights were concentrated around the city of Bylazora because of the strategic importance of this settlement and along the valley of River Axios (Vardar). It seems that Philip was able to regain control of Bylazora and reestablish Macedonian authority over Paeonia. Philip continued to show concern for his northern frontier. Livy states that the Macedonian king returned in the northern lands in 211 B.C.E. and invaded the city of Sintia that was located north of Pelagonia and that controlled another important route used by the Dardanians to reach northern Macedon. With these measures taken along the northern border, the usual routes that the Dardanians had followed to carry out raids in northern Macedon were enclosed.
Although the measures taken by Philip strengthened the northern border of Macedon, they did not solve the Dardanian problem. Thus, the Dardanian assaults continued to target Macedonian lands. In 208, the Dardanians in collaboration with Eropus, a regional Illyrian ruler, stormed Macedon advancing into Orestis (northern Greece). For this advancement, the Dardanians used an alternative route that passed through the region of Dassaretis (southeast Albania), apparently using the support of the local tribe of the Dassaretae. The invasion of Orestis forced Philip to retreat from his war in Achaea and return into Macedon. Because of the damages caused by this assault, the Macedonian king was forced to postpone his planned actions against the Roman Republic. For now, the Macedonians had to deal with the Dardanian threat. Thus, during 208-206, Philip engaged in another proper military campaign against the Dardanians. However, the Macedonian ruler was unable to remove the Dardanian threat along the northern and northwestern border of his kingdom.
Episode IV: The activities of the Dardanians during the Second Macedonian War (200-197 B.C.E.)
At the beginning of the year 200, Dardanians, represented by their king Bato (r.206-176), the son and successor of the previous king Longarus (r. 231-206), established an alliance with the Romans that were in turn represented by their consul. In this anti-Macedonian coalition other regional chieftains were involved including the king of the Ardiaei, Pleuratus II, and the king of the Athamanes, Amynander. Apparantly, the Dardanians hoped that after the eventual conquest of Macedon from the Romans, they would gain possession of the region of Paeonia as a reward for their contribution. Therefore, the Dardanians participated directly in military actions against Macedon during the Second Roman-Macedonian war (200-197 B.C.E.).
Being aware of the Dardanian threat, Philip V took protective and fortifying measures in the northern frontier of his kingdom sometime during the first year of this war. For the same purpose, Philip sent into the narrow pass the allowed the entrance in the region of Pelagonia a Macedonian force under the command of his son and future king Perseus. This force was stationed here for a very short period of time since Philip had to recall Perseus and his soldiers from there into central Macedon in order to increase the ranks of the main army. In this way, the northern border along Pelagonia was left once again unprotected. Thus, a Dardanian assault that raided the northern regions of Macedon took place in the beginning of 199. The Dardanian raid forced Philip into sending a force from his own troops lead by one of his generals, Atenagora, in pursuit of the northern enemy. Atenagora reached the Dardanian enemy as they were retreating and a battle took place between the two sides. The descriptions of Tit Livy on this battle reveal that the Dardanians had a regular army, equipped with its own flags, organized, disciplined, and well-positioned. However, the heavy armory and possibly the considerable spoils gained from the raids made the movements of the Dardanian warriors slower than the movements of the Macedonian light infantry and cavalry. Nevertheless, the splendid resistance of the Dardanian soldiers and the familiarity that they had with the terrain enabled them to successfully deal with the Macedonian retaliation. The losses were few among both sides and the Dardanians succeeded in returning into their lands with the army and their spoils almost unharmed and untouched.
The collaboration between Rome and Dardania did not continue long. The relationships between the two entities seem to have weakened before the conclusion of the Second Macedonian War. It seems that the Dardanians realized that they were not going to be granted with the control of Paeonia. Also, with Macedon now weakened significantly, Dardania represented the next frontier of the Roman expansion towards inner Balkans and Danube. Furthermore, their usual raids towards Macedon had become less valuable enterprises since a weakened Macedon was unable and unwilling to invest in their land cultivation and urban development. Thus, the Dardanians carried out some indirect actions against the Romans while on surface still behaving as their allies. One such action was carried out in the beginning of 197, when the Roman-Macedonian War was reaching its conclusion. In this occasion, the Dardanians provided mercenary forces for the Aetolians who were also at the time fighting against the Romans.
On the other hand, during the war against Macedon, the Roman commanders had replaced one another. Publius Villius replaced Suplicius in the second year of the war, whereas in 198 Titus Quincius Flaminius replaced Villius. In 197, Flaminius defeated the Macedonians at the battle of Cynoscephalae forcing them to sign a peace treaty according to which the Macedonians would retreat from their possessions in central Hellenic lands. Macedon gradually turned into a client kingdom of Rome. Philip V continued to stay in power but in many aspects as a vassal king. The Dardanians, left empty-handed from their alliance with the Romans, engaged in their usual independent actions against Macedon. They even seem to have tried to gain control of Paeonia on their own, as it is known that a Dardanian force led possibly by king Bato engaged in raids along the northern Macedon at this time. To counter measure, Philip sent 6,000 infantrymen and 500 horsemen in the north and crushed the Dardanians near Stobi (Gradsko) in Paeonia. This represented one of the most significant victories of Macedon against the Dardanian state.
Episode V: A Macedonian Enterprise
Even though Philip recorded a decisive victory over the Dardanians, he still considered them a constant threat for his kingdom. Being unable to conquer Dardania directly and subdue them, Philip came up with a plan that would ensure his northern frontier. The plan of the Macedonian king involved encouraging the Bastarnae, a Gallic/Celtic or Germanic tribe living in the northern bank of the lower Danube, to invade Dardania and resettle there. In this way, Philip hoped to exterminate the Dardanians in mass or at least force their migration further away from northern Macedon. According to some scholars, Philip had selected the area of the Polog valley as the territory for the potential settlement of the Bastarnae. This arrangement would at least enclose the pass that the Dardanians usually used to carry out raids against northern Macedon. On a larger scale and in case of an outstanding success against the Dardanians, the Bastarnae, encouraged by Macedon, planned to head against the Roman Republic itself through a journey of about 700 km that would pass across the Save valley and over the Julian Alps all the way into the plains of Trieste. It is for this large-scale strategy that Philip secured an alliance with the Scordisci, a tribe that occupied the area of modern Belgrade where the rivers Sava and Danube met and where the route towards Julian Alps went through.
For now, Philip had already secured for the Bastarnae a relatively safe passage across Thracia and had also provided them with food reserves. The Macedonian king was conscious that the Bastarnae could not challenge the Roman power, but he hoped that the instability that they would bring would allow him the control over Dardania and even provide him with an opportunity to revive the independence of Macedon. However, Philip did not live to realize his venture. Thus, his son and successor, Perseus (r.212-166), continued his plan. Around 30,000 Bastarnae under the command of their chieftain named Clondicus, advanced towards Dardania. At the end of the year 179, they stormed Dardania, apparently helped by the forces of Perseus, and caused many damages to the local population. This situation continued for some time. Therefore, in 177 the Dardanians sent a delegation into the Roman Senate. Before the Senate, they expressed their concerns over the destructions occurring in their country and over the increased power and regional influence of Perseus. Despite their report, Rome apparently took no measures to change the situation.
With Rome unwilling to help, the Dardanians had to depend on their own strength in order to force the Bastarnae out of their domains. After some struggles, the major battle took place under the walls of a Dardanian city, the name and location of which it is unknown. Apparently, the battle was enduring and difficult but the Dardanians were able to defeat the enemy. The rest of the Bastarnae were forced to leave Dardania during the winter of 176-175. With the country now liberated but severely damaged, the Dardanians had to go through a period of slow recovery during 175-168. This meant, among others, that the Dardanian state had to endure the attacks of other local enemies. Livy reports one occasion in 169 when the Dardanians had to deal with an assault from certain Thracian tribes.
Episode VI: Resisting the Roman Strength
After the conquest of Macedon in 168 BCE and its official transformation into a Roman province in 148, the Dardanians left the alliance with Rome from which they had profit only the right to trade salt (salis commercium). During 168-148 BCE, the conquered Macedon remained divided into four small republics until the Senate decided to give to it the status of the province. The population was disarmed and the weapons were meld and burned. Rome, now a bordering force with Dardania, became the new major threat for the Dardanians in the region. While the Romans started their attempts to establish order across the province, the Dardanians tried to prevent them from doing so. Collaborations between Dardanians and the Thracian Maedi in the east and other Illyrian tribes in the southwest increased. Marital relations were conducted with these allies to strengthen the alliances like the marriage between the king Gentius and the princess Etuta, daughter of the Dardanian king, in 169 B.C.E.
The alliance of the Dardanians with the Maedi, a Thracian tribe, was especially efficient in preventing Rome to advance in their countries. In 98, the Dardanian along with the Scordisci and Maedi were partially defeated by Cornelius Sulla however they were able to successfully face the Roman attacks of the years 97 B.C.E and 85 B.C.E. In 86 B.C.E, Cornelius Sulla had crushed a Dardanian resistance after he returned from a winning campaign against Mithridates, king of Pontus. The attempts of Sulla during the years 86-85 BCE were finalized with regaining control of Athens by Rome at the expense of Mithridates, but were not followed by a fully stabilization of the Roman province of Macedonia. The Dardanians, along with the Scordisci and the Maedi conducted a military raid across the province of Macedonia during 84-83. This raid is thought to have reached as far as Delphi.
In 77, the Romans under the leadership of Clausius Pulcher, who was assigned proconsul of Macedonia one year before, achieved some level of success against the Dardanians and the Maedi, probably around the mountains of Rhodopa, south of today’s Bulgaria. A year later, the leadership of the Macedonian province was assigned to Scibonius Curio who arrived in the Balkans at the head of five legions.
Episode VII: Roman Invasion of Dardania
The first fully successful military campaign of Rome against the Dardanians must have been the one headed by Scribonius Curio during the years 75-73 (bellum Dardanicum). Few things are known on this campaign since there is a lack of written sources on this event. However, it can be suggested that the campaign was carried out with a great determination, coarseness, and impact. Ammiani Marcellini compares the cruelty that Curio exercised over the Dardanians with the cruelty that emperor Valentian exercised over his own troops. Regarding the campaign in itself, a force of 30,000 soldiers spread into four legions lead by Curio was enough to crush every resistance from the Dardanians. However, it should be mentioned that the Dardanians of that time were still one of the greatest power in the region and the Romans themselves were aware of this even before the initiation of their campaign. For this, it is useful to consider a fragment of the author Frontini who writes about an event occurring in the eve of the campaign as follows:
“The council S.Curio during the campaign against Dardania in the outskirts of Dyrrachium (Durrës), when one of the legions rebelled and avoided military service and stated that they had no intention to follow the unreasonable general into a difficult and dangerous expedition, ordered the four legions to position in fighting formation and with the arms engaged. Then, he ordered the soldiers of the rebelled legion to come unarmed and unclothed and, in front of the armed military, forced them to cut straw. Unaffected by the begging of this legion, he withdrew their flags, removed their name and redistributed them in the other legions.”
After he defeated the Dardanians, Curio advanced up north until he reached the banks of the Danube, becoming the first Roman general to reach there. In 72, Curio returned in Rome and celebrated the Dardanian triumph publicly. The campaign of Scribonus Curio has traditionally been considered as putting Dardania under Roman rule.
Hammond, N.G.L. & Wallbank, W. (1972). A History of Macedonia 336-167 B.C.
Iustini, M.I. Historiarum Philippicarum.
Petrović, V.P. (2007). Pre-Roman and Roman Dardania. Historical and Geographical Considerations. Balcanica, 27, 7-22.
Shukriu, E. (2008). Prehistory and Antique History of Kosovo. Thesis Kosova.
Demetrius of Pharos was a political leader who ruled among the Illyrians during the late III century B.C.E. The sources available do not allow for determining Demetrius’ year of birth. As his name suggests, he was apparently born and/or raised in the island of Pharos (Hvar, Croatia), at the time a Hellenic colony. Demetrius is mostly known for leading Illyrians against the Roman conquerors in the Second Illyrian War (219 B.C.E.). Regarding his origin, it is unclear whether Demetrius was of a Hellenic or Illyrian descent, or both. The scarce literal evidence suggests that Demetrius knew both the ancient Greek and Illyrian language. Judging from his actions, it is possible that Demetrius himself did not particularly care about his origin. Rather, he used connections he must have had on both the Hellenic and the Illyrian side and the ones he was to create with the Romans and the Macedonians, to rise in power and increase his individual political authority.
Episode II: Demetrius’ role during the First Illyrian War (229-228 B.C.E.)
According to classical sources, Demetrius first appearance is recorded in the events related to the First Illyrian War (229-228 B.C.E.) Prior to that war, the limited information available suggests that Demetrius was the ruler of Pharos and continued to be in control of the island during and after the war. According to Appian, Demetrius ruled over Pharos as a governor on behalf of the Illyrian king, Agron (r. 250-231 B.C.E.). This means that Demetrius had already achieved an important political position among the Illyrians possibly that of an Illyrian dynast. When the Illyrians conquered Corcyra (Corfu) in 229 B.C.E., Demetrius of Pharos was left to control that island by being in charge of an Illyrian garrison stationed there while the main Illyrian navy sailed north. The island of Corcyra was strategically important since it controlled the sailing routes that linked the Italian peninsula with the Balkan Peninsula through the Straits of Hydruntum (Otranto) and the commercial sea routes that linked the Adriatic Sea coast with the Ionian Sea coast. Demetrius, apparently aware of the strategic importance of Corcyra, used his delegated status as the island’s commander to gain individual credits and emerge as an autonomous leader in the region. Thus, he distanced himself from the Illyrian queen Teuta and entered into private discussion with the Romans promising them the surrender of the island to the Roman Republic without resistance. In exchange, Demetrius seems to have been promised by the Romans a ruling position over the Illyrian coast once the planned campaign against the Illyrians would successfully be concluded.
Episode III: Joining the winning side
The Hellenic citizens of Corcyra apparently supported the offer made to the Romans by Demetrius and may have assisted him in his negotiations. These inhabitants preferred Republic’s lenient policy on Hellenic commerce instead of the absolutist regime of the Illyrian queen. Delegations were sent in Rome by Demetrius to express these views. Taking all the above factors into considerations, it is no surprise that the Romans initiated in 229 the campaign that is known as the First Illyrian War by first advancing towards Corcyra. A fleet of 200 Roman ships under the command of the Roman consul Gn. Fulvius Centumalus arrived in Corcyra where they took the possession of the colony as promised. The Illyrian garrison stationed in the island was forced by the Hellenic citizens and Demetrius to surrender itself to the Romans. This action completed the treachery of Demetrius at the expense of the Illyrian queen of the Ardiaei. Upon surrendering the city, Demetrius himself joined the ranks of the Romans where he was welcomed as an individual who knew a great deal about the Illyrian monarchy. Thus, he followed the Roman forces in their advance towards the important city of Apollonia (Pojan near Fier), another Hellenic colony that represented the Republic’s next mission. The other Roman consul Lucius Postimus Albinus on the head of 20,000 infantrymen and 200 horsemen joined Fulvius and Demetrius in Apollonia. The city welcomed the Romans and accepted their protection and friendship. The rest of the Illyrian kingdom fell under the Roman arms. In the spring of 228 the Illyrian queen was forced to sign a peace treaty that limited her possessions and naval actions and paid to the Romans a war indemnity. Demetrius, who enjoyed the support of the Romans, became the ruler of the territories that the Romans won over during the First Illyrian War apart from Corcyra and Apollonia and that consisted mainly of the coastal region along the Adriatic and northern Ionian Sea.
Episode IV: Internal and foreign issues
After the First Illyrian War, it is unclear what happened to Teuta. Sources do not mention her again. Thus, scholars suggest that Demetrius succeeded her on the Illyrian throne, sometime during 228-226 B.C.E. possibly gaining control even over the inland territories of the Ardiaei. It seems that the territories under Demetrius’ possessions were centered in the area between Scodra (Shkodër) and Lissus (Lezhë). Also, during this time, Demetrius married Triteuta, the widow of king Agron and the mother of the infant Illyrian heir Pinnes, securing in this way a stronger legitimacy over the Illyrian kingdom of the Ardiaei. Although Demetrius used this marital relation to establish his authority among the Illyrians, it appears that he never enjoyed a large and uncontested support among his subjects. Apparently, he had to share part of the authority with the previous Illyrian commander of Teuta and possibly an Illyrian dynast, Scerdilaidas. Thus the ruling period of Demetrius is characterized by this duality between him and Scerdilaidas. This situation reflects the difficulty of ruling over the Illyrians who were a population group that consisted of many tribes and where internal rivalry was often intense.
Regarding his relationship with Rome, Demetrius of Pharos was at first cautious not to provoke Rome or other Hellenic states. However, after some time, Demetrius may have noticed the almost complete lack of interest on the Roman part for the Illyrian region. This Roman absence encouraged Demetrius towards his own political and military aims in the region. Furthermore, as Polybius suggests, Demetrius may have perceived the Gallic/Celtic invasion of Italy (225) as a sign of Roman crisis. As a result, Demetrius may have concluded that his friendship with Rome was insufficient for his private ambitions and expansionist projects in the region and thus started to act autonomously and directed himself towards other foreign powers.
Episode V: Illyrian expeditions
While the Romans were fighting on the Gallic/Celtic frontier (225-222), Demetrius expanded his possessions and areas of influence in the Illyrian region. These areas consisted of Atintania, presumably located east of Apollonia, and Dassaretis, located further southeast. Thus Demetrius encouraged the Atintani, an Illyrian tribe, to distance from Rome and join his protection. Dassaretis, a strategic region for Illyrian-Macedonian communication, also gradually fell under Demetrius control. Regarding Demetrius’ expansionist activities, Appian goes further when he states that Demetrius in collaboration with the Istri, the natives of Istria, engaged in naval raids along the Adriatic. These raids apparently targeted Roman grain ships that must have sailed north in order to supply the main Roman army that was fighting in the Cisalpine Gaul.
Sometime during 225-223, Demetrius established an alliance with the Macedonian regent ruler Antigonus III Doson (r. 229-221). With this alliance, Demetrius may have wanted to expand his influence over southern Illyria all the way into mainland Hellas. The alliance with the Macedonian king had apparently allowed Demetrius an unobstructed advance and control over the strategic Illyrian region of Dassaretis (current southeast Albania). On his part, the Macedonian ruler had similar expansionist goals, which explain his alliance with Demetrius. He aimed at reestablishing the Macedonian control over Hellas and reviving the strength of the Macedonian state. Thus, in 223 a contingent of 1,600 Illyrian soldiers headed by Demetrius joined the mixed Macedonian force of Antigonus in his campaign against the Spartan king Cleomenes III in Peloponnesus. A year later, Demetrius and his forces played a crucial role in helping the Macedonians defeat the Spartan king at the battle of Sellasia in Laconia. This victory allowed the Macedonians to take possession of Sparta. On the other hand, Demetrius secured the control of Dassaretis and potentially, other territories across southern Illyria or other near Paeonia.
During 221, the Roman Republic carried out a short campaign against the Istri who had previously raided the Roman grain ships allegedly with the support of Demetrius. However, Demetrius is left unharmed from this campaign making Appian’s statement on Demetrius collaboration with the Istrians highly doubtful. During the same time, the Macedonian king Antigonus, after completing the aforementioned victory over Sparta, was killed in battle against the Illyrians led by Scerdilaidas in the northwestern border of Macedon. These anti-Macedonian actions reflected once again the deep divisions that were present between the Illyrians led by Scerdilaidas and the ones led by Demetrius of Pharos. Having lost Antigonus as an ally, Demetrius tried to keep the same friendly relationship with the successor of Antigonus, Philip V. The new and young ruler of Macedon had inherited his fathers’ appreciation for Demetrius but could not support Demetrius with Macedonian forces on the upcoming war that Demetrius was to have against the Romans.
In the beginning of 220, the Illyrian forces on board of 90 naval vessels (called lembus) led by Demetrius and Scerdilaidas sailed south of Lissus. This action is considered by Polybius to be in violation of the Roman-Illyrian settlement of 228 that, in essence, limited the Illyrian sail south of the Lissus line. At first, these Illyrians disembarked at Pylos (otherwise known as Navarino), a town southwest of Peloponnesus. They sieged and assaulted the city but were unable to conquer it. Just when they left the site through sea, the Illyrian fleet was divided in two. Scerdilaidas decided not to follow Demetrius and apparently returned north. On the other hand, Demetrius continued his voyage around Peloponnesus with 50 remaining ships and arrived into the Cyclades where he raided many places. After carrying out profitable raids across the Cyclades, Demetrius sailed back to Cenchreae (Kechries) on the Saronic Gulf, where Taurion, a commander of the Achaeans, approached him. Polybius writes the following:
“…[Taurion] begged him [Demetrius of Pharos] to assist the Achaeans, and after conveying his boats across the Isthmus, to fall upon the Aetolians during their crossing. Demetrius, whose return from his expedition to the islands had been much to his advantage indeed, but somewhat ignominious, as the Rhodians were sailing to attack him, lent a ready ear to Taurion, who had engaged to meet the expense of transporting the boats. But having traversed the Isthmus and missed the crossing of the Aetolians by two days, he returned again to Corinth, after raiding some places on the Aetolian coast.”
The pass of Demetrius’ fleet across the Isthmus, made the voyage of the Illyrians back home way shorter and much safer. By apparently making use of the diolkos, the Illyrian ships were immediately transported on the waters of the Ionian Sea without having to sail around Peloponnesus again. This transportation arrangement must have also helped Demetrius escape the revenge of the Rhodians mentioned above.
Episode VI: Fighting the Romans
Classical sources record other activities of Demetrius against the interests of the Roman Republic in the Illyrian region carried out also in 220, this time on land. Thus, Demetrius allegedly marched through Atintania, an Illyrian region he already controlled and arrived in Dassaretis. From here he assaulted the lands of the Parthini, an Illyrian tribe under Roman protection, and of Apollonia. The aforementioned activities of Demetrius were part of the Romans’ accusation towards him and formed Rome’s casus belli. The Romans called for Demetrius to appear before the Senate to confront their accusations but Demetrius never complied apparently being aware that this would not change Rome’s decision towards him. Thus, the Roman Senate decided to go into another war against the Illyrians, a campaign that was carried out in 219 and that is known as the Second Illyrian War. The Roman Republic sent into Illyria the two consuls of that year, Lucius Aemilius Paullus and Marcus Livius Salinator, giving to the campaign the highest priority. The military force under their command must have been similar in size and strength to the military force used in the First Illyrian War.
The Roman campaign against Illyria did not catch Demetrius unprepared. Apparently, he had learned from the First Illyrian War and must have built his informative system along the shore. Thus, when learning of the Roman approach, the Illyrian leader initiated a defensive tactic that was concentrated around two cities: Dimale/Dimallum (Krotinë) and Pharos. These settlements may have represented the two extremes of his ruling area, the southern and northern borders respectively. According to Polybius, Demetrius “sent a considerable garrison to Dimale/[Dimallum] with the supplies requisite for such a force. In the other cities he made away with those who opposed his policy and placed the government in the hands of his friends while he himself, selecting six thousand of his bravest troops, quartered them at Pharos.
Upon arrival in Illyria, the Romans decided to assault Dimale with all their force, realizing that its fall would discourage the Illyrians fighting for Demetrius. Their strategy proved right and Dimale fell in Roman hands within a week. Local tribes and leaders approached the Romans offering to them their servitude. After establishing appropriate treaties with the locals, the Romans sailed north all the way into Pharos where Demetrius was sheltered. Through a well-conducted stratagem, the Romans took the city but were unable to capture Demetrius who, after realizing he had lost the cause, boarded a ship that awaited him on a hidden spot and sailed away. “At Actium, he [Demetrius] joined Philip of Macedon, who had inherited Antigonus’ friendship with him and had himself visited Scerdilaidas in the winter of 220-219”. From now on, Demetrius would stay as a refuge in the Macedonian territory under the protection of Philip V. Meanwhile, the Roman forces razed the entire city of Pharos to the ground and from there took possession of the remaining part of the Illyrian coast where they established or renewed the adequate agreements with the main native tribes and cities.
Episode VII: Advisor of Macedon
In 217, the Romans sent delegated into Macedon and demanded that Demetrius of Pharos be surrendered to them. King Philip obviously refused such a bold request that did not treat Macedon as an independent entity. Furthermore, Demetrius had become one of the closest advisors of the Macedonian king, eager to offer his knowledge on Romans to Philip. In June of the same year, while king Philip and Demetrius were attending the Nemean festival at Argos, the Macedonian king was informed about the loss of Rome against Carthage at the battle of Thrasymene. Initially Philip showed the letter informing on the victory of Hannibal only to Demetrius considering him the most trusted friend. Upon hearing the news, Demetrius urged the Macedonian king to hastily conclude a peace with the Aetolians and direct all his forces towards Illyria. By possessing the Illyrian coast and its ports, the Macedonians could join easily with the forces of Carthage against the Roman Republic. Polybius cites these words as being told by Demetrius to Philip:
“For Greece is already entirely obedient to you, and will remain so: the Achaeans from genuine affection; the Aetolians from the with terror which their disasters in the present war have inspired them. Italy, and your crossing into it, is the first step in the acquirement of universal empire, to which no one has a better claim than yourself. And now is the moment to act when the Romans have suffered a reverse.”
According to Polybius “Demetrius did not do this out of consideration for Philip, whose cause was…only of third-rate importance to him in this matter, but actuated rather by his hostility to Rome and most of all for the sake of himself and his own prospects, as he was convinced that this was the only way by which he could recover his principality of Pharos.”
Philip decided to follow the advice of Demetrius and in the following years tried to capture the Illyrian coast. Also, an alliance between Macedon and Carthage was established in 215 against Rome where the name of Demetrius appears in one of its clauses as follows: “the Romans shall no longer be masters of Corcyra, Apollonia, Epidamnus, Pharos, Dimale, Parthini, or Atintania, and they [the Romans] shall return to Demetrius of Pharos all his friends who are in the dominion of Rome”. As it is known, this scenario was not realized and Demetrius never returned as a ruler in Illyria. Polybius offers a useful insight on Demetrius and his latest deed:
“He [Demetrius] was a man of a bold and venturesome spirit, but with an entire lack of reasoning power and judgment, defects which brought him to an end of a piece with the rest of his life. For having, with the approval of Philip, made a foolhardy and ill-managed attempt to seize Messene [in 214], he perished in the action…”
Badian, E. (1952). Notes on Roman Policy in Illyria (230-201 B.C.). Papers of the British School at Rome, 20, 72-93.
Dell, H.J. (1970). Demetrius of Pharus and the Istrian War. Historia: Zeitschrift für Alte Gershichte, 19, 30-38.
Hammond, N.G.L. (1968). Illyris, Rome and Macedon in 229-205 B.C. The Journal of Roman Studies, 58, 1-21.
Hammond, N.G.L. (1966). The Kingdoms in Illyria circa 400-167 B.C. The Annual British School at Athens, 61, 240-253.
McPherson, C.A. (2012). The First Illyrian War: A Study in Roman Imperialism.
Velija, Q. (2012) Mbretëri dhe Mbretër Ilirë. West Print, Tiranë.